Ethiopia

This page presents a country report and describes data that TJET has compiled on regime transitions, intrastate conflict episodes, and transitional justice mechanisms. For details on the data included on this page, view the FAQ.

For Ethiopia, TJET has collected information on: 21 amnesties between 1974 and 2018; 38 domestic trials starting between 1989 and 2018; one foreign trial starting in 2015; one truth commission mandated in 2019; and one vetting policy starting in 1991.

Select any transitional justice mechanism in the table below to view a timeline in the figure.

Author of country report: Tadesse Semie Metekia & Patrick Vinck

Introduction

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is a federal entity comprised of 11 National Regional States (NRS) and two city administrations, Addis Ababa (the federal capital) and Dire Dawa. These 11 regional states and two city administrations are home to over eighty nationalities and distinct ethnic groups, and over 126 million people.

Historically recognized as the site of one of Africa’s earliest formidable civilizations, the Kingdom of Aksum, Ethiopia holds a unique position on the continent for successfully resisting European colonial domination, thereby avoiding the legacy of violence that often accompanied colonial rule. Nonetheless, the country’s long history includes cycles of conflict and oppression between its diverse ethnic and religious groups, and across government-civilian relations.. These dynamics of violence continue to date. Governance has shifted between imperial rule, communist dictatorship, and nominal multiparty federal systems with centralized power.

Ethiopia’s modern history is traced back to Emperor Menelik II, who forcibly unified the country at the end of the 19th century and early 20th century by bringing an end to the Era of Princes, a period characterized by protracted and multiple conflicts among several autonomous provinces. Yet Menelik’s prolonged military expeditions between 1889 and 1913 aimed not only at the country’s unification but also at the forced Christianization of its peoples and nations.

Emperor Haile Selassie governed Ethiopia from 1930 until 1974, with the exception of a brief period during the Italian military occupation from 1935/36 to 1941. During his reign, Haile Selassie attempted to modernize the nation, including adopting the first constitution (1931) and the first written penal law (1930). However, his policies also exacerbated ethnic and regional disparities by suppressing regional autonomy, marginalizing certain groups, and perpetuating preferential treatment for the Amhara culture and language. These policies, combined with severe famines and droughts, fueled widespread dissent and uprisings throughout the 1960s. The accumulating grievances and unrest ultimately culminated in Haile Selassie’s deposition by the Dergue, a Marxist-Leninist faction, through a military coup in 1974.

The 1974 revolution effectively ended the country’s monarchical system, which historians often describe as 3000 years of the Solomonic dynasty, a lineage purportedly descended from King Solomon of the Bible. The revolution also marked the beginning of ephemeral regimes, as discussed below under regime context. The recent civil war between the government and Tigrayan forces, as well as the ongoing conflicts in Oromia and Amhara, which have led to widespread human rights abuses, highlights the country’s enduring failure to democratize and deal with its legacy of violence genuinely.

While efforts to address pre-1970s internal violence and atrocities, including those perpetrated during the Italian military occupation, were absent, recent regime changes have initiated attempts to implement transitional justice. Today, international experts recommend a comprehensive and participatory approach that holds all actors accountable, promotes community reconciliation, and ensures the process’s compliance with international standards, which is essential for Ethiopia’s transition to sustainable peace.

Regime Context

TJET records no democratic transitions in Ethiopia between 1970 and 2020.

Ethiopia’s government is currently known as the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, governed by an 87-seat Council of Representatives of several political parties. Because the government functions as a federal parliamentary republic, the Prime Minister is the head of the government rather than the President.

Since the 1970s, Ethiopia has undergone three significant regime changes, none of which resulted from peaceful or constitutional transitions. The Dergue regime lasted from 1974 to 1991, followed by the government led by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) from 1991 to 2018. The current governance under the Prosperity Party (PP) began in 2018. Notably, the 1974 revolution is the only one that resulted in the official adoption of the military regime. The 1991 transition occurred after a prolonged civil war. The post-2018 transition stands out as the one that did not completely suspend and replace the constitution.

Transitions between regimes have often been marked by violence and instability despite multiple attempts by the international community to broker peaceful resolutions. Unsuccessful bilateral negotiations took place in Atlanta (1989), Nairobi (1989), Rome (1990), and Sana’a (1990) between the Dergue and various rebel groups. The London Peace Talks in May 1991, facilitated by the United States government, represented a significant effort to broker peace between the Dergue and rebel groups, including the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), the EPRDF, and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). However, these talks concluded without substantive discussions, partly due to the abrupt departure of Dergue leader Mengistu Haile Mariam, who fled to Zimbabwe. This departure facilitated a relatively bloodless entry of the rebel groups into Addis Ababa, the capital. To date, the most significant peace process appears to be the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) signed between the Federal Government and Tigray forces in Pretoria in November 2022, with support from the African Union and Western powers

Not only were the transitions themselves violent, but the resultant regimes also experienced significant political turbulence, repression, and atrocities. The Dergue Regime, known for its oppressive nature from its inception until its collapse in 1991, initially governed the country through a series of decrees after suspending the revised 1955 constitution in 1974. In 1987, it cemented its control by establishing a single-party system, adopting a socialist constitution, and announcing the formation of the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE). Throughout its rule, Ethiopia was beset by protracted civil wars, the Red Terror, widespread famine, and dictatorial governance that marked a uniquely painful era for the Ethiopian people. The regime was responsible for the deaths of between 725,000 and 2,000,000 Ethiopians. The violence and suffering inflicted during this period have irrevocably altered the meaning of “Dergue,” a term derived from Geez/Amharic meaning “committee,” to be now synonymous with dictatorship and cruelty.

After ousting the Dergue regime in 1991, in collaboration with the OLF, the EPRDF, a coalition dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), established the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) from 1991 to 1995. This transitional period led to the formation of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the adoption of a new constitution in 1995. This constitution highlighted the principles of multi-party democracy, multinational federalism, and human rights, including explicit provisions against amnesty and immunity for grave international crimes. Under the EPRDF’s leadership, Ethiopia sought to democratize and decentralize governance, pursuing policies of ethnic federalism designed to balance regional diversity with national unity.

Despite these efforts, the policy led to escalating ethnic tensions over the years, limited political pluralism, and continued instances of violence and human rights issues, including restrictions on free speech, imprisonment of political opponents, allegations of electoral irregularities, post-election violence, and inter-ethnic conflicts. Persistent challenges such as poverty, inequality, and governance issues remained. Growing public dissatisfaction with the EPRDF’s rule, mainly fueled by perceived economic favoritism towards Tigray and the TPLF’s dominance, sparked mass protests, especially in Oromia. These protests were primarily driven by economic grievances and demands for political reform

The post-2018 government under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (Prosperity Party) emerged from a series of widespread youth-led protests that erupted over land rights, corruption, and lack of political freedom. Abiy ushered in Ethiopia’s most ambitious political reforms by releasing political prisoners, committing to free and fair elections, and promising to address long-standing issues of ethnic marginalization and access to justice. However, his rapid liberalization also loosened controls and unleashed new ethnic conflicts to an unprecedented extent, notably in Tigreay.

The international community and human rights organizations have periodically pressured and scrutinised Ethiopia’s political transitions. The Dergue regime was subjected to sanctions due to its violent and repressive tactics. Under the rule of the EPRDF, international observers monitored elections and raised concerns about adherence to standards of free and fair elections. As conflicts have escalated since 2018, the United Nations and other entities have called for independent investigations into human rights violations committed by all parties involved. Notably, on 17 December 2021, the UN Human Rights Council established the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) to investigate allegations of violations and abuses during the Tigray war. However, this commission was terminated before it could complete its mandate.

Ethiopia’s judicial system is characterized by a dual structure that includes Federal and State courts, each with a three-tiered hierarchy: first instance, high, and supreme courts. However, the judiciary’s independence remains under scrutiny. Recent surveys and public consultations conducted by the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, the Transitional Justice Working Group of Experts, and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission in collaboration with the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights have revealed a low level of public trust in the existing judicial system.

Conflict Context

Based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, TJET records 34 violent intrastate conflict episodes between 1970 and 2020 (during 48 calendar years), involving 20 distinct armed opposition groups fighting against the government. Six conflict episodes were internationalized by involvement of external state actors.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions. Source: UCDP Dyadic Dataset version 23.1, https://ucdp.uu.se/downloads/index.html#dyadic.

As outlined in the regime context, Ethiopia has endured a long legacy of civil conflict and violence, which is associated with changes in its political regime and struggles over power among ethnic groups. Based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, TJET records 34 violent intrastate conflict episodes between 1970 and 2020, spanning 48 calendar years. These episodes involved 20 distinct armed opposition groups fighting against the government. Additionally, six conflict episodes were internationalized by the involvement of external state actors.

The Dergue regime

The seventeen-year rule of the communist Dergue regime in Ethiopia was characterized by intense internal conflict and harsh suppression. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) briefly engaged in armed resistance against the Dergue and faced the regime’s notorious Red Terror campaign in the late 1970s, enduring mass arrests and executions. Yet, it managed to continue its resistance, albeit at a reduced intensity, into the 1980s. Formed in 1976, the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) opposed the Dergue’s authoritarian rule through protests and strikes by 1977 but was quickly crushed by the regime’s Red Terror campaign.

The OLF, established in 1973, initiated its armed struggle in 1974 with guerrilla attacks from Oromia, facing severe retaliation from the Dergue. By the 1980s, the OLF had secured control over significant territories and established local governance despite ongoing repression. Similarly, TPLF, founded in 1975 to seek autonomy for Tigray, initially faced significant challenges under Dergue’s oppression but gradually expanded its influence, capturing towns and establishing regional governance by the mid-1980s. Its major military victories in the late 1980s further consolidated TPLF control over Tigray.

Emerging in the late 1980s, the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), primarily composed of the Amhara ethnic group, controlled regions in Gojjam and Wollo, engaging in guerrilla warfare against the Dergue. In 1989, the TPLF, EPDM, Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) came together to form the EPRDF. Alongside the OLF and with support from the EPLF, this coalition successfully overthrew the Dergue regime in 1991.

Independence movements: Eritrea, Afar, Somali

Ethiopia has encountered persistent challenges from various armed groups representing minority interests or seeking independence, often using neighboring countries as operational bases.

In 1962, after a decade of autonomy under Ethiopian sovereignty, Eritrea was annexed by Emperor Haile Selassie, becoming Ethiopia’s 14th province. This action sparked resistance from the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), which formed in the 1960s. In 1970, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) emerged from a split within the ELF, eventually leading the campaign for Eritrean independence through prolonged guerrilla warfare. Despite changes in Ethiopia’s regime, Eritrea ultimately secured its independence in 1991 following a UN-monitored referendum.

In the 1970s, the Afar Liberation Front (ALF) championed self-determination for the Afar people in the Ogaden/Afar region, conducting an armed insurgency from bases in Eritrea and Djibouti. Though armed operations ceased with the fall of the Dergue regime, the ALF continued its advocacy without securing independence.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF), Somali Abo Liberation Front (SALF), and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) pursued self-determination for Somali-inhabited areas in Ethiopia, with the goal of forming a ‘Greater Somalia.’ These efforts, impeded by internal divisions, lack of support from the Somali government, and responses from the Ethiopian military, did not achieve independence.

The Argoba Self-Defense Force (ARDUF), established in the 1990s among the Argobba people of eastern Ethiopia, initially functioned as a local militia to protect against attacks from neighboring Afar and Somali communities. It later engaged in armed resistance against the Ethiopian government, citing inadequate protection for its people, but it never posed a significant challenge to state authority and disarmed in the 2000s.

Post-Dergue Conflicts

After the overthrow of the Dergue regime, ideological differences rapidly emerged between the OLF and the TPLF-led Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Dissatisfied with the lack of respect for its demands for Oromo self-determination, the OLF withdrew from the transitional government in 1992. It resumed its armed struggle against the government from 1994-1995 and from 1998 to 2003. However, it struggled to gain traction against a government increasingly consolidating power and clamping down on dissent.

Protests from 2014 to 2018 significantly weakened the EPRDF’s hold on power, leading to the appointment of Abiy Ahmed in 2018. His mandate was to transition Ethiopia away from authoritarianism and to address the issues that fueled the protests, including demands for greater Oromo self-rule. His rise was a direct response to the crisis ignited by the Oromo movement.

However, tensions quickly escalated with the TPLF, which had dominated Ethiopian politics for nearly three decades. The TPLF accused Abiy of systematically removing Tigrayans from positions of power and undermining Ethiopia’s multi-ethnic federalist system. Conversely, Abiy regarded the TPLF as an impediment to his centralizing reforms. These long-standing ethnic and political grievances erupted into armed conflict when the TPLF attacked federal army bases in Tigray in November 2020, prompting a severe military offensive by the Ethiopian army against the TPLF in the northern region. The conflict between 2020 and 2022 is estimated to have caused over 600,000 deaths.

Currently, armed conflicts are ongoing in regions such as Amhara and Oromia. Additionally, violence in other areas, including Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, Sidama, Somali, Afar, Southern Nations, and South Western regions has displaced millions and raised severe concerns over human rights abuses.

Transitional Justice

In 1974, following the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie, the Dergue regime established a commission of inquiry to investigate corruption and other economic crimes committed by officials of the former regime. This move was ostensibly aimed at addressing grievances and holding the previous administration accountable. However, the Dergue quickly shifted towards more repressive measures.

As the commission began its work, the Dergue simultaneously committed widespread atrocities, including the summary execution of Haile Selassie’s officials, which underscored a disregard for the judicial processes it had initiated. The commission was eventually dissolved as the Dergue intensified its repressive tactics.

TJET records indicate that between 1974 and 2018, a total of 21 amnesties were declared in Ethiopia, with 13 of these occurring during the Dergue’s rule. These amnesties were strategically used to consolidate power, often granted to lower-level political opponents and prisoners who were not considered serious threats. However, those who were granted amnesty were subjected to close surveillance, and any return to political activity could lead to the revocation of their amnesty.

More broadly, the Dergue dealt with political opposition through harsh and often lethal means. Political opponents were frequently imprisoned, tortured, and executed without trial. In 1979, the regime enacted a law establishing a revolutionary campaign coordinating committee, which was endowed with sweeping powers, including the authority to arrest, detain, imprison, or execute individuals labeled as anti-revolutionary or anti-people. This period marked one of the darkest chapters in Ethiopian history.

In the immediate post-Dergue period, the EPRDF-led Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) implemented two vetting policies aimed at cleansing the government of Dergue-era officials. These policies were designed to remove these individuals from positions of power and influence and to bar them from holding any future public office or civil service jobs. The extent of vetting could also encompass lower-level officials depending on their roles and involvement in past abuses. However, these vetting processes faced significant criticism for their lack of transparency and due process. Critics described the measures as overly broad purges that failed to adequately differentiate between individuals’ roles or the degree of their criminal culpability.

At the same time, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) established a Special Prosecution Office in August 1992, tasked with investigating and prosecuting individuals suspected of committing crimes under the Dergue regime. By that time, approximately 3,000 affiliates of the Dergue had already been detained by the EPRDF forces. Several domestic trials were initiated between the early 1990s and 2018. Additionally, one foreign trial was conducted in the Netherlands: Eshetu Alemu, a former Dergue representative of the then Gojjam province, was sentenced to life in prison by The Hague District Court for war crimes committed in Ethiopia.

The post-Dergue prosecutions resulted in over 5,000 individuals being brought to justice, with over 2,000 tried in absentia. These individuals were charged with genocide against political groups, involving acts of killing, torture, and subjecting victims to conditions calculated to bring about their death. However, these prosecutions have faced significant criticism for lacking due process protections. Many have perceived them as politically motivated rather than a genuine pursuit of justice and accountability. Furthermore, the needs of the victims for truth, reparations, and reconciliation were not adequately addressed. Overall, the EPRDF approach to transitional justice can be characterized as ‘victor’s justice’, where only former members and affiliates of the Dergue were brought to justice.

Over subsequent decades, Ethiopia has struggled to comprehensively address the legacy of Dergue-era crimes through transitional justice mechanisms. The EPRDF had initially planned for the Special Prosecution Office also to record historical truths for posterity, a goal that was never realized. Successive EPRDF governments lacked the political will to implement a holistic transitional justice process that actively involved victims. This shortfall was compounded by the fact that the regime itself was implicated in its own political violence and atrocities.

Following the political change in 2018, the government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has attempted to establish transitional justice mechanisms to address the country’s legacy of abuse and atrocities. In 2019, it formed the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission tasked with investigating human rights violations, identifying perpetrators, and providing recommendations for accountability and reconciliation measures. Additionally, a Boundaries and Identity Issues Commission was created to facilitate the peaceful resolution of identity-based disputes among regional states over territorial demarcations. However, both institutions were dissolved in 2020 without having produced substantive results

In 2021, prior to the onset of the Tigray war, the Ministry of Justice decided to pursue transitional justice through a comprehensive policy document aimed at addressing the shortcomings of previous uncoordinated and contradictory attempts. Furthermore, the inclusion of a transitional justice process in the Pretoria peace agreement between the Federal Government and Tigray forces represents a significant milestone. This inclusion signifies an official commitment to designing and implementing a transitional justice framework that is both inclusive and effective.

In 2023, a government-appointed expert group released a Green Paper on transitional justice policy options, initiating a nationwide consultation with stakeholders to develop Ethiopia’s first comprehensive transitional justice framework. A policy drafted based on the consultations report was released in April 2024. The policy aims to address abuses stemming from multiple conflicts over several decades, though it has yet to be implemented. The policy proposes criminal accountability for those most responsible while advocating for truth-seeking and conditional amnesty for those with lesser involvement. Additionally, the policy emphasizes reparations and memorialization as core pillars of transitional justice. Notably, it introduces innovative approaches by incorporating traditional justice mechanisms in both accountability and truth-seeking processes.

Critics argue that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s initial pledges of transitional justice were not followed by concrete actions and meaningful reforms, with ongoing conflicts further undermining his narrative of peacebuilding and casting doubts on his commitment to delivering impartial justice throughout the country. There is a significant concern that the prosecutions promised under the transitional justice policy may be compromised by a lack of fair trial guarantees. Additionally, there are worries about the genuine commitment to ensuring that prosecutorial and judicial bodies remain independent and impartial, with suggestions that international oversight may be necessary to uphold these standards.

The scale of Ethiopia’s transition necessitates a long-term commitment that extends beyond electoral cycles. However, critics contend that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s approach appears tactical rather than principled, marked by a lack of follow-through on initial pledges and questions surrounding the independence of the transitional process. This perception challenges the effectiveness of his leadership in navigating the nation through its complex political and social reforms.

Transitional Justice Data

As of 2020, Ethiopia ranks 8th out of 174 on TJET’s legacy of violence index. For a full list of country rankings over time, view the index page, and for an explanation of the index, view the Methods & FAQs page.

Amnesties

Ethiopia had 21 amnesties between 1974 and 2018. Eight were passed during ongoing internal armed conflict. One was part of a peace agreement. 20 amnesties released political prisoners. One amnesty forgave human rights violations.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Domestic Trials

TJET has compiled data on 38 domestic prosecutions between 1989 and 2018. These include 23 regular human rights prosecutions of state agents, in which seven persons were convicted; 13 intrastate conflict prosecutions of state agents, in which 24 persons were convicted; and three intrastate conflict prosecutions of opposition members, in which eight persons were convicted. In four trials that involved high-ranking state agents, eight persons were convicted.

Click on accused records for data on convictions. Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Foreign Trials

Nationals of Ethiopia were defendants in one foreign prosecution in Netherlands beginning in 2015.

Click on accused records for data on convictions. Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Truth Commissions

Ethiopia mandated one truth commission in 2019. The commission completed its operations in 2022.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Vetting Policies

Ethiopia had one vetting policy, starting in 1991; TJET found no information on whether or when the policy ended.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Perceptions Survey Data

Ethiopia 2023

Context

This survey was conducted nationwide in 2023, one year after the cessation of hostility and the end of the 2020-2022 Tigray conflict. At the time of the survey the government of Ethiopia was weighing its transitional justice policy options. The survey aimed to provide a rigorous, representative, and methodologically robust assessment of needs, perceptions and attitudes about peace and justice among the population of Ethiopia.

Methods

This survey used a stratified multi-stage cluster sampling process to randomly select individuals for participation in the survey. The survey was stratified by regions and city administrations (the “Strata”), with the sampling procedure designed to provide a representative sample for each stratum. In total,6,689 interviews were conducted.

Results

Accountability, including trials, truth-seeking, and reparations, is deemed essential, though views differ on the prioritization of periods of violence and venues for trials, reflecting regional disparities. Respondents advocate for stringent accountability across all parties to the conflict, with a rejection of amnesties for serious crimes, and see a role for traditional justice in dealing with minor offenses. While skeptical of direct international intervention, there is a call for external technical and financial support in Ethiopia’s justice efforts.

Hover over column labels for definitions.

For attribution, please cite this survey as:

Phuong N. Pham, Tadesse Metekia, Negussie Deyessa, Abdulkadir Mah, Luciana Vosniak, and Patrick Vinck, “Ethiopia Peace and Justice Survey 2023,” research report (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, 2023).

Download Country Data

References

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Teferra Haile-Selassie Ethiopian Revolution 1974-1991 (Routledge, 1997), https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315828794.

Firew Kebede Tiba “The Trial of Mengistu and Other Derg Members for Genocide, Torture and Summary Execution in Ethiopia,” in Prosecuting International Crimes in Africa (Pretoria: Pretoria University Law Press, 2011), 163–84.

Herman Cohen Intervening in Africa: Superpower Peacemaking in a Troubled Continent (New York: St. Martin’s Press LL.C., 2000).

Bahru Zewde A History of Modern Ethiopia: 1855-1991, 2nd ed. (Oxford: James Currey, 2001).

Theodore M Vestal “Reflections on the Battle of Adwa and Its Significance for Today,” in The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia’s Historic Victory Against European Colonialism (New York: Algora Publishing, 2005), 21–36.

Elsa van Huyssteen “Building Justice, Reconciliation State & Nation & Democratization in Ethiopia & South Africa,” in The Ethiopian Red Terror Trials: Transitional Justice Challenged (Martlesham: James Currey, 2009), 98–115.

Bahru Zewde “The History of the Red Terror: Contexts and Consequences,” in The Ethiopian Red Terror Trials: Transitional Justice Challenged, vol. 24 (United Kingdom: Boydell & Brewer, 2009), 17–32.

Thijs B Bouwknegt “Eshetu Alemu: ‘The Black Sheep of the Dergue’ – Ethiopian War Crimes and Universal Jurisdiction in the Netherlands,” International Journal of Transitional Justice 12, no. 3 (November 1, 2018): 549–59, https://doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijy024.

Marshet Tadesse Tessema “Criminal Accountability for Derg Crimes: Prosecution of Politicide,” in Prosecution of Politicide in Ethiopia, by Marshet Tadesse Tessema, vol. 18 (The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2018), 171–239, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-255-2_5.

Lauren Ploch Blanchard Ethiopia’s Transition and the Tigray Conflict (Congressional Research Service, 2021).

Kinkino Kia Legide “The Facets of Transitional Justice and ’Red Terror’ Mass Trials of Derg Officials in Post-1991 Ethiopia: Reassessing Its Achievements and Pitfalls,” Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies 4, no. 2 (February 2021), https://doi.org/10.5038/2325-484X.4.2.1142.

Tadesse Simie Metekia “War Crimes in Ethiopia: Law and Practice,” in Prosecution of Core Crimes in Ethiopia (Brill Nijhoff, 2021), 308–72.

International Crisis Group “Ethiopia’s Tigray War: After the Cessation of Hostilities, What Next?” (International Crisis Group, November 10, 2022), https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/horn-africa/ethiopia/ethiopias-tigray-war-after-cessation-hostilities-what-next.

Tadesse Metekia “Prosecuting Crimes Against Humanity in Ethiopia: Where Is the Law?” (ISS Africa, June 21, 2022), https://issafrica.org/.

Fana Gebresenbet and Yonas Tariku “The Pretoria Agreement: Mere Cessation of Hostilities or Heralding a New Era in Ethiopia?” Review of African Political Economy 50, no. 175 (2023): 96–106.

Tadesse Simie Metekia “Ethiopia: The Post-Dergue Transitional Justice Process,” in After Dictatorship, ed. Peter Hoeres and Hubertus Knabe (De Gruyter, 2023), 23–80, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110796629-003.

Pham, Metekia, Deyessa, Mah, Vosniak, and Vinck “Ethiopia Peace and Justice Survey 2023.”

Tadesse Metekia “Does Ethiopia’s Transitional Justice Amount to Quasi-Compliance?” (ISS Africa, May 2, 2024), https://issafrica.org/.

Tadesse Metekia “Ethiopia’s Draft Transitional Justice Policy: 10 Key Observations” (ISS Africa, March 6, 2024), https://issafrica.org/.

Tadesse Metekia “Fair, Victim-Centred Trials Are Key to Transitional Justice in Ethiopia” (ISS Africa, March 28, 2024), https://issafrica.org/.