Cambodia

TJET Focus Country

This page presents a country report and describes data that TJET has compiled on regime transitions, intrastate conflict episodes, and transitional justice mechanisms. For details on the data included on this page, view the FAQ.

For Cambodia, TJET has collected information on: three amnesties between 1994 and 2013; 26 domestic trials starting between 1993 and 2020; and four international trials starting between 2007 and 2009.

Select any transitional justice mechanism in the table below to view a timeline in the figure.

Author of country report: Patrick Vinck

Introduction

Cambodia’s legacy of violence has been influenced by internal politics as well as the Vietnam War and the Cold War era, leading to considerable international involvement in its internal affairs. The country has a history of violent conflict, which apexed during the infamous rule of the Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979. In this time period, approximately 1.7 million people, nearly a quarter of Cambodia’s population at that time, died.

Cambodia adopted a constitutional monarchy system in 1993, with the monarchy playing a largely symbolic role alongside a power-sharing agreement between two prime ministers, Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen. Following a coup d’etat in 1997, Prime Minister Hun Sen consolidated power until 2023, when his son was sworn in as the newly elected Prime Minister. The controlled political environment and suppression of political freedom severely limit genuine electoral competition.

Cambodia has struggled with human rights accountability, particularly concerning the crimes of the Khmer Rouge era. Efforts like the establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) have aimed to address past atrocities but have faced limitations due to political interference. Human rights and transitional justice experts often view Cambodia’s efforts as inadequate, pointing out the limited number of prosecutions and the influence of politics on judicial processes.

Regime Context

TJET records no democratic transitions in Cambodia between 1970 and 2020.

The current political system in Cambodia can be described as a competitive authoritarian regime where democratic institutions exist but are manipulated to maintain the ruling party’s power. Legislative power is shared between the National Assembly and the Senate, with the monarchy being largely symbolic.

After centuries of rule by independent Khmer kingdoms, Cambodia became a French protectorate in 1863, ultimately being administered as part of the colonial territory of French Indochina from 1887 onward. Cambodia gained full independence in 1953 after decades of nationalist movements and the weakening of French control due to World War 2.

Prince Norodom Sihanouk became Head of State of Cambodia in 1953 and sought to maintain neutrality in the Cold War. In 1955 he formed the Sangkum Reastr Niyum political party to promote nationalism and modernization. Under the Sangkum, Cambodia experienced initial political stability and economic growth. However, internal tensions and the impact of the Vietnam War eroded Sihanouk’s neutralist position over time. In 1967, Cambodian communists initiated an insurgency against Sihanouk’s government in the northwestern part of Cambodia. This movement was met with harsh government repression, contributing to rising tensions within the country. While abroad in China, Sihanouk was overthrown in a 1970 coup, ushering in the U.S.-backed Khmer Republic regime with General Lon Nol as President. This instability created space for the Khmer Rouge communist insurgency to grow in strength amidst the ongoing conflict in Vietnam, setting the stage for their rise to power and brutal rule in 1975.

From 1975 to 1979, the Communist Party of Kampuchea, known as the Khmer Rouge, ruled Cambodia under the leadership of Pol Pot, its Secretary-General. During this period, the Khmer Rouge regime worked to transform Cambodia into an agrarian socialist society. Their policies included forced transfers of the population from cities to collective farms where they faced excruciating conditions. An estimated 1.7 million Cambodians, about 25% of the population at the time, died during this period known as the Cambodian genocide from forced labor, starvation, poor health conditions, torture and execution.

After the Vietnamese invasion and overthrow of the Khmer Rouge in 1979, Cambodia was ruled as a socialist state under a new government installed by the Vietnamese, the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), with Heng Samrin as head of state. This period saw ongoing conflict as Khmer Rouge remnants continued an insurgency. Pol Pot took refuge in the Thai border areas, and his forces contested government control of the countryside throughout the 1980s. During that period, a coalition of resistance groups called the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, dominated by the Khmer Rouge, held Cambodia’s UN seat. Full-scale civil war raged throughout the 1980s, opposing government forces to Khmer Rouge remnants and non-communist groups, the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF) and former head of state Sihanouk’s neutralist / royalist party (Front Uni National Pour un Cambodge Indépendant, Neutre, Pacifique, et Coopératif - FUNCINPEC).

The end of the Cold War reduced the strategic significance of the conflict and increased diplomatic engagement in the region to pressure parties to end the decades of war. By 1991, the Vietnam-backed government of Cambodia, represented by the Cambodian People’s Party-led government and the CGDK alliance of anti-Vietnamese Cambodian resistance groups, signed a comprehensive peace agreement, the Paris Peace Accords. The Accords established a transitional authority to oversee a ceasefire and lead UN-sponsored elections in 1993. During the transition, Prince Norodom Sihanouk headed the governing Supreme National Council, but real power was shared between Prime Minister Hun Sen of the People’s Party of Kampuchea and Sihanouk’s half-brother, Prince Ranariddh, president of the royalist opposition party who fought the Vietnamese-backed communist government.

The 1993 elections established the constitutional monarchy system, which remains in place today. Prince Norodom Ranariddh’s FUNCINPEC party won the most votes with former Prince Sihanouk being reinstated as King. Following a tense period, the parties agreed to a unique power-sharing agreement with two Prime Ministers: Prince Norodom Ranariddh from FUNCINPEC as the First Prime Minister, and Hun Sen from the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) as the Second Prime Minister.

Despite initial close collaboration between Ranariddh and Sen, tensions rose. By 1997, factional fighting broke out between FUNCINPEC supporters of Prince Ranariddh and those of Hun Sen, leading to Hun Sen consolidating power. The international community largely viewed this as a coup. Prince Ranariddh went into exile, and a new government formed under Hun Sen’s leadership, marking the beginning of his long-standing dominance in Cambodian politics. The Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), led by Hun Sen, has maintained a strong hold on power, with limited political freedom and crackdowns on opposition parties, civil society, and media, leading to severely limited genuine political competition.

In 2004, King Sihanouk abdicated, and his son Norodom Sihamoni was selected as the new king. In 2005, opposition leader Sam Rainsy went into exile, citing fear of arrest. He was tried in absentia in 2010 on charges generally seen as politically motivated.

In the 2013 general elections, allegations of voter fraud led to widespread anti-government protests. The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) was later dissolved ahead of the 2018 elections, in which the CPP won all seats, consolidating a de facto one-party state. In 2023, Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manet, was sworn in as the new Prime Minister, continuing the CPP’s rule.

Conflict Context

Based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, TJET records eight violent intrastate conflict episodes between 1970 and 1998 (during 27 calendar years), involving six distinct armed opposition groups fighting against the government. Five conflict episodes were internationalized by involvement of external state actors.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions. Source: UCDP Dyadic Dataset version 23.1, https://ucdp.uu.se/downloads/index.html#dyadic.

According to the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, there were eight violent internal conflict episodes in Cambodia from 1967 to 1998, involving six different armed opposition groups. Five of these conflicts saw international involvement. These conflicts are closely linked to the evolution of the regime context of Cambodia detailed above.

Cambodian communists, later known as the Khmer Rouge, initiated the first uprising in 1967 amid the Vietnam War and the geopolitical strategies of China and the United States. They leveraged local grievances stemming from inequality, corruption, and land dispossession, alongside the increased presence of foreign troops, to fuel anti-government resistance. This era also witnessed escalated U.S. involvement, particularly through secret bombing campaigns targeting North Vietnamese sanctuaries within Cambodian borders.

By 1970, Cambodia’s first head of state, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, had lost political control and was ousted, replaced by the pro-American Khmer Republic under General Lon Nol. This regime change intensified the communist insurgency as Sihanouk allied with his former adversaries, the Khmer Rouge, and external actors like China and North Vietnam. The Khmer Rouge’s ranks grew rapidly from a few thousand to an estimated 35,000 to 40,000. This shift marked the beginning of a civil war which culminated in the Khmer Rouge’s ascent to power in 1975.

The Khmer Rouge’s capture of Phnom Penh in 1975 led to the brutal Democratic Kampuchea regime led by Pol Pot, responsible for mass atrocities and the Cambodian Genocide, claiming an estimated 1.7 million lives, about a quarter of Cambodia’s population at that time.

In late 1978, Vietnam supported the formation of the Kampuchean National United Front for National Salvation (KNUFNS) to overthrow the Khmer Rouge regime. KNUFNS garnered support and legitimized the Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia, which ultimately resulted in the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979 and the establishment of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). In the late 1980s, the PRK lessened its pro-Vietnam stance and eventually became the present-day Cambodian People’s Party-led government.

Khmer Rouge remnants continued to challenge government control throughout the 1980s. The Khmer Rouge, alongside the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF), a non-communist entity, and FUNCINPEC, a royalist resistance movement, formed the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) to confront the PRK.

With the end of the Cold War, Cambodia faced increased pressure to end the decades of war, leading to the 1991 Paris Peace Accords. The Khmer Rouge, however, never fully demobilized or disarmed as required by the accords, continuing armed insurgency, engaging in guerrilla warfare, and maintaining control over certain rural areas. In 1996, Ieng Sary, a co-founder and senior member of the Khmer Rouge, led a mass defection from the Khmer Rouge, and in 1997 Pol Pot was imprisoned by his own people for the murder of his defense minister. The Khmer Rouge formally surrendered in 1998, bringing an end to the armed conflict.

The political power struggle following the 1993 elections resulted in the power-sharing arrangement with Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen becoming the First and Second Prime Ministers, respectively, despite Prince Norodom Ranariddh’s FUNCINPEC party winning the most votes. Tensions between the parties soon resumed, and by 1997, violent clashes between forces aligned with Hun Sen and those loyal to FUNCINPEC ultimately led to the ousting and exile of Norodom Ranariddh, and consolidation of power by Hun Sen. This violence is referred to as the Cambodian coup d’état.

Transitional Justice

TJET records a total of three amnesties, 26 domestic trials, four international prosecutions, and one UN investigation in Cambodia. The transitional justice efforts can be broadly defined across three periods: (1) accountability under the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) for crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge, (2) amnesties under the current constitutional monarchy in the 1990s, (3) the 1997 coup d’état, and (4) criminal accountability in the 21st century.

Cambodia has made some efforts to pursue transitional justice, but these are arguably not sustained or sincere efforts given the amnesties, limited prosecutions, and ongoing gaps in measures to redress the full scale of Khmer Rouge crimes and support all victims. Arguably, the most significant effort in terms of transitional justice was the establishment of a hybrid tribunal, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), to prosecute senior Khmer Rouge leaders. The agreement to establish the ECCC was signed in 1997, but the Court did not begin functioning and conducting trials until 2007. In addition, the ECCC prosecuted only a small number of senior leaders due to political constraints and interference.

Accountability under the People’s Republic of Kampuchea

After taking power in 1979 by overthrowing the brutal Khmer Rouge regime, the Vietnam-supported PRK sought to hold some members of the former regime accountable for their crimes. The PRK established the People’s Revolutionary Tribunal to prosecute the Khmer Rouge leaders Pol Pot and Ieng Sary for genocide. In August 1979, both leaders were found guilty of genocide and sentenced to death. The trials, held in absentia, were assisted by international experts. However, the tribunal was criticized by international observers as lacking due process and fair trial standards, with convictions appearing pre-determined. The tribunal served more as a public show trial to condemn the Khmer Rouge rather than a legitimate court.

The PRK also conducted numerous judicial actions against Khmer Rouge cadres and supporters across Cambodia, although the exact number and systematic nature of these proceedings are not clearly documented. The PRK also formed a committee, the Research Committee on Pol Pot’s Genocidal Regime, to investigate the Khmer Rouge’s genocide, resulting in a 1983 report that remained largely unpublished and excluded Khmer Rouge perspectives. The process, driven by political aims rather than reconciliation, estimated nearly 3.5 million deaths based on widespread petitions. This figure was criticized as an overestimate resulting from PRK’s flawed research methodology when producing the report.

1990s amnesties under the constitutional monarchy

Following the 1993 elections and with a power-sharing agreement in place, the Cambodian government enacted Law No. 01.NS.94 in 1994, a legislative measure designed to dismantle the Khmer Rouge’s power from within. The law offered amnesty to rank-and-file members of the Khmer Rouge, enticing them to abandon their allegiance to the group and surrender to government forces. This period of leniency was bounded within a specific timeframe, from July 7, 1994, to January 7, 1995. The amnesty excluded the leaders of the Khmer Rouge, who were deemed offenders against the nation’s constitution and its laws. This provision was aimed at weakening the Khmer Rouge both militarily and economically by sparking mass defections while ensuring that those responsible for the most serious crimes could still be held accountable. The impact of this law was significant, notably leading to the defection of Ieng Sary, a prominent Khmer Rouge leader. His acceptance of the government’s offer was followed by a separate royal pardon (Royal Decree No. NS/RKT/0996/72) for gross human rights violations committed while in office. Ieng Sary’s defection led to the largest wave of defections from the Khmer Rouge, substantially diminishing the group’s strength and influence.

An exception to the amnesties during this period is the trial of Ten Seng, the chief of prison guards in Battambang Provincial Prison, where numerous incidents of torture, including burnings and beatings of prisoners, were reported. Following an investigation by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Ten Seng was arrested and transferred to Cambodian authorities. He was convicted of aggravated assault and sentenced to one year in jail. At this time, however, the criminal justice system remained largely dysfunctional.

Coup d’état

Following the 1997 coup d’état, which saw Hun Sen consolidate power and the exile of Prince Norodom Ranariddh, the UN General Assembly adopted resolution 52/135, requesting Secretary-General and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to assist Cambodia in protecting human rights and outlining concerns about judiciary independence, torture, and elections. Since the coup d’état, political rivalry has been greatly restricted. For example, Sam Rainey, an opposition leader, fled the country and was tried in absentia on charges generally seen as politically motivated, but King Norodom Sihamoni granted him a royal pardon in 2013 at the request of Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Criminal accountability in the 21st century

Under pressure to address the atrocities committed during the Khmer Rouge regime, the co-prime ministers asked then-UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 to assist in organizing a Khmer Rouge tribunal. As Hun Sen consolidated power, he reversed course and sought instead to ‘bury the past’. Public opinion in Cambodia, however, compelled him into decade-long negotiations to establish what ultimately became a hybrid court within the Cambodian court system: the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). The ECCC was established in February 2006, commenced its judicial work in July, and became operational in June 2007. The hybrid model was intended to ensure that the trials would meet international standards of fairness and impartiality while remaining grounded in the local context.

The ECCC’s mandate was to prosecute senior leaders and those most responsible for the crimes committed during the Khmer Rouge regime, specifically focusing on genocide, crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, and other serious violations of Cambodian and international law from April 17, 1975, to January 6, 1979. The ECCC followed both Cambodian and international law, within a civil law framework. As such, victims could participate in the court process as witnesses, complainants, or civil parties. Concurrent with the establishment of the ECCC, TJET records 25 hybrid trials between 2006 and 2020.

The ECCC pursued cases against five individuals for crimes against humanity and war crimes. The first case (Case 001) concerned Kaing Guek Eav, also known as Duch, the former head of the notorious S-21 prison in Phnom Penh. Duch was arrested and indicted in July 2007. His hearing began on September 17, 2009 and concluded on November 27, 2010. He was found guilty of crimes against humanity and severe violations of the Geneva Conventions. Duch served his life imprisonment sentence until his death in September 2020.

In the second case, four individuals, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, Khieu Samphan, and Nuon Chea, were indicted in September 2010 for crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, genocide, and offenses under the Cambodian Criminal Code of 1956.

Nuon Chea, known as the chief ideologist and right-hand man to Pol Pot during the Khmer Rouge’s reign, was convicted in August 2014 and sentenced to life imprisonment. He was further found guilty of genocide against the Vietnamese and Cham people in 2018. Nuon Chea died in 2019 amidst an appeal, but the Supreme Court Chamber maintained that his death did not overturn the trial’s verdict, affirming the life sentence.

Ieng Sary, a key figure in the Khmer Rouge, assumed the role of Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs when the regime came to power in 1975. After receiving a royal pardon in 1996, Ieng Sary returned to political life but was arrested in 2007. He died in March 2013 before a verdict in his case was reached.

Ieng Thirith, the wife of Ieng Sary and a significant member of the Khmer Rouge, served as Minister of Social Affairs during its rule. She returned alongside her husband in 2007 and was subsequently arrested. Her trial was halted due to her mental unfitness, stemming from Alzheimer’s disease, confirmed in November 2011. She passed away in August 2015.

Khieu Samphan, Head of State of Democratic Kampuchea, was convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to life imprisonment in 2014. In a separate case, he was found guilty of genocide against the Vietnamese people in 2018, a conviction upheld on appeal in 2022.

The International Co-Prosecutor issued Introductory Submissions and investigated cases against another four individuals for their alleged crimes under the Khmer Rouge regime. However, these cases faced procedural terminations without definitive indictments due to conflicting judgments between national and international judges, reflecting jurisdiction and prosecutorial direction tensions. These cases implicated individuals still affiliated with the current government, which made them politically sensitive. The ECCC ultimately ended its work in December 2022, after having achieved three total convictions.

Transitional Justice Data

As of 2020, Cambodia ranks 59th out of 174 on TJET’s legacy of violence index. For a full list of country rankings over time, view the index page, and for an explanation of the index, view the Methods & FAQs page.

Amnesties

Cambodia had three amnesties between 1994 and 2013. Two were passed during ongoing internal armed conflict. Two amnesties forgave human rights violations.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Domestic Trials

TJET has compiled data on 26 domestic prosecutions between 1993 and 2020. These include 24 regular human rights prosecutions of state agents, in which 16 persons were convicted.

Click on accused records for data on convictions. Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

International or Hybrid Trials

Nationals of Cambodia were subject to four international prosecutions between 2007 and 2014, which led to three convictions.

Click on accused records for data on convictions. Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

UN Investigations

Cambodia was subject to one UN investigation in 1998. One investigation aimed to encourage domestic prosecutions.

Data up to 2020. Hover over column labels for definitions.

Perceptions Survey Data

Cambodia 2008

Context

This survey was conducted in 2008, one year after the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was established in 2007. By late 2007, the ECCC had arrested and charged five former senior Khmer Rouge leaders - Kaing Guek Eav, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, and Ieng Thirith - with crimes against humanity and war crimes. however, trials had not started at the time of the survey.

Methods

The survey used a four-stage cluster sampling strategy to randomly select respondents from among all Cambodian adults in a nationally representative sample. Researchers first randomly selected 125 communes out of over 1,600 total communes, ensuring at least one commune was selected from each province. Within each selected commune, two villages were then randomly chosen, resulting in a total of 250 villages. Four households were randomly selected from each village using systematic sampling, and within each household one individual was randomly chosen for interview using a Kish grid, bringing the total expected sample size to 1,000 individuals. This sampling methodology was designed to gather data representative of Cambodia’s adult population.

Results

The survey found that nine out of ten Cambodian respondents believed that members of the Khmer Rouge regime should be held accountable for their crimes, primarily through trials in court, with over half specifically mentioning Khmer Rouge leaders. Awareness of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) was limited, with nearly half having only limited knowledge or no knowledge at all, though most felt it would respond appropriately to the crimes and have a positive impact. While expectations for the ECCC were high in bringing justice and punishing the guilty, recommendations focused on speeding up trials and ensuring fairness and independence. Additionally, the vast majority felt reparations should be provided to victims as a community, particularly through social services, infrastructure, and economic development programs.

Hover over column labels for definitions.

For attribution, please cite this survey as:

Phuong Pham, Patrick Vinck, Mychelle Balthazard, Sokhom Hean, and Eric Stover, “So We Will Never Forget: A Population-Based Survey on Attitudes about Social Reconstruction and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia,” research report (Berkeley, CA: Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley, January 2009).

Cambodia 2010

Context

This survey was conducted in December 2010, about 4 months after Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, was convicted on July 26, 2010 of crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. This was the first judgment for the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) created four years earlier. The case against Duch focused on the infamous prison Tuol Sleng, where at least 12,200 Cambodians were imprisoned, tortured, and ultimately killed.

Methods

Results

The 2010 survey found that while awareness and knowledge of the ECCC had increased since 2008, with fewer reporting no knowledge and more able to accurately describe the Court, still over a third felt only little informed or moderately informed. Attitudes remained largely positive, with over three-quarters believing the ECCC would bring justice, rebuild trust, promote reconciliation and have a positive impact on victims, though some cited concerns it could remind victims too much of the past or that the outcome of the Duch trial did not bring enough justice. Respondents’ expectations of impact focused more on justice and mental health than just punishment, and opinions on Duch’s sentence were mixed, with close to half feeling it should be longer, though the trial was viewed as largely fair despite some sentiments it gave Duch too much time to speak and victims not enough.

Hover over column labels for definitions.

For attribution, please cite this survey as:

Phuong Pham, Patrick Vinck, Mychelle Balthazard, and Sokhom Hean, “After the First Trial: A Population-Based Survey on Knowledge and Perceptions of Justice and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia,” research report (Berkeley, CA: Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley, May 2011).

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References

Thorsten Bonacker, Wolfgang Form, and Dominik Pfeiffer “Transitional Justice and Victim Participation in Cambodia: A World Polity Perspective,” Global Society 25, no. 1 (January 2011): 113–34, https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2010.522980.

Craig Etcheson “Dealing with Human Rights Violations from a Previous Regime: Dilemmas of Accountability in Cambodia,” in Human Rights Commissions and Ombudsman Offices (Brill Nijhoff, 2001), 115–29.

Craig Etcheson “A Quest for Genocide Justice in Cambodia,” in Advancing Genocide Studies (Routledge, 2017), 197–216.

Tom Fawthrop and Helen Jarvis Getting Away with Genocide?: Elusive Justice and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal (UNSW Press, 2005).

Wendy Lambourne “Justice After Genocide: Impunity and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia,” Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal 8, no. 2 (2014): 7.

Stephen Marks “Elusive Justice for the Victims of the Khmer Rouge,” Journal of International Affairs, 1999, 691–718.

Stephen Marks “Forgetting "the Policies and Practices of the Past": Impunity in Cambodia,” in Cambodia, 2017, 233–59.

Phuong N Pham and Patrick Vinck “Cambodia,” in Encyclopedia of Transitional Justice, ed. Lavinia Stan and Nadya Nedelsky, vol. 2 (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 86–93.

Pham, Vinck, Balthazard, Hean, and Stover “So We Will Never Forget.”

Pham, Vinck, Balthazard, and Hean “After the First Trial.”

Doung Virorth and Sophal Ear “Transitional Justice Dilemma: The Case of Cambodia,” Peace and Conflict Review 4, no. 1 (2009): 128.

World Peace Foundation “Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge” (Mass Atrocity Endings, December 30, 2019), https://sites.tufts.edu/atrocityendings/2019/12/30/cambodia-under-the-khmer-rouge/.